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Writings, discussions and studies about the US westward migration between the Revolutionary War and the beginning of the Oregon Trail
Saturday, November 27, 2004
Trade Of Kentucke from John Filson's The Discovery, Settlement and Present State of Kentucke, 1784
Trade of Kentucke, pp 39-48
A CONVENIENT situation for commerce is the grand hinge upon which the population, riches and happiness of every country greatly depends. I believe many conceive the situation of Kentucke to be unfavourable in this respect. I confess when I first visited this country I was of the opinion of other misinformed men, that the best channel was from Philadelphia or Baltimore, by the way of Pittsburg, {Note : From Philadelphia to Pittsburg is a land-carriage of 320 miles, from Baltimore 280.] and from thence down the Ohio; and upon account of the difficulties and expences attending this route, for which there is no remedy, that goods would ever be dear. This opinion I have since reprobated, as the effect of ignorance of the trade up the Mississippi from New Orleans, or Mantchac, at the river or gut Iberville.
Those who are acquainted with America know the Mississippi and Ohio rivers to be the key to the northern parts of the western continent. These are the principal channels through which that extensive region, bathed by their waters, and enriched by the many streams they receive, communicate with the sea, and may truly be considered as the great passage made by the Hand of Nature for a variety of valuable purposes, and principally to promote the happiness and benefit of mankind; amongst which, the conveyance of the produce of that immense and fertile country lying westward of the United States is not the least. A short description of these rivers, and some others flowing into them, are objects submitted to the reader's attention, in order to form a a just idea of the favourable commercial circumstances of that important country.
The Ohio river begins at Pittsburg, 320 miles west of Philadelphia, being there formed by the junction of the Alleghany and Monangehela rivers, and running a winding course of S. 60° West, falls into the Mississippi 1074 miles, by the meanders of the river, below Pittsburg. The only obstruction to navigation on this river are the Rapids, as described before under the description of the Kentucke rivers; but they are passed in safety when the stream is high.
The most remarkable branches composing the head waters of Ohio are Red-stone Creek, Cheat River, and Yochiaghany. These waters are navigable to a considerable distance above Pittsburg, from November until June, and the Ohio a month longer; but from great Kenhawa, which is one hundred and ninety-six miles and a half below Pittsburg, the stream is navigable most of the year. Down this river great quantities of goods are brought, and some are conveyed up the Kentucke rivers, others on horse-back or in waggons to the settled parts, and sold on an average at one hundred pounds per cent. advance.
The current of the Ohio descends about two miles an hour in autumn, and when the waters
are are high, about five miles. Those of the Kentucke rivers are much the same, and without rapids, and are of immense value to the country, affording fish and fowl, and transportation of the produce of the country to the best market. These rivers increase the Ohio more in depth than breadth. At its mouth it is not more than one and a half mile in width, and enters the Mississippi in a S. west direction with a flow current, and a fine channel. This great river, at the junction with the Ohio, runs in a S. east direction and afterwards in a S. west, having been a little before joined by a greater river called Missouri, [Note : The Missouri is supposed to be about 3000 miles long.] which runs in an eastward direction through Louisiana, and afterwards communicates to the Mississippi [Note The Mississippi is said to be about 2500 miles long.] its own muddy and majestic appearance. From the mouth of the Ohio to New Orleans, a distance not exceeding 460 miles in a straight line, is about 856 by water. The depth is, in common, eight or ten fathoms until you approach its mouth, which empties itself by several channels into the gulf of Mexico. Here the navigation is dangerous, on account of the many islands, sand bars and logs, interspersed in its mouth, which is about twenty miles wide.
This disadvantage may be remedied almost in the same manner that the stream was disconcerted. The conflict between the sea and this mighty river, which brings down with its stream great numbers of trees, mud, leaves, &c. causes them to subside and form shoals. One of these trees, stopped by its roots or branches, will soon be joined by thousands more, and so fixed, that no human force is able to remove them. In time they are consolidated, every flood adds another layer to their height, forming islands, which at length are covered with shrubs, grass and cane, and forcibly shift the bed of the river. In this manner we suppose most of the country on each side of the Mississippi, below the Iberville, to have been formed, by islands uniting to islands, which in a succession of time have greatly encroached on the sea, and produced an extensive tract of country. If some of the floating timber at the mouths of this river were moved into some of the channels, numbers more would incorporate with them; and the current being impeded in these, the whole force of the river uniting, one important channel would forceably be opened, and sufficiently cleared, to admit of the most excellent navigation.
About ninety-nine miles above Orleans is a fort, now called Mantchac by the Spaniards; formerly Fort Bute by the English, who built it. Near this is a large a large gut, formed by the Mississippi, on the east side, called Iberville; some have dignified it with the name of River, when the Mississippi, its source, is high. This is navigable at most not above four months in the year for the first ten miles; for three miles further it is from two to six feet in autumn, and from two to four fathoms the remaining part of the way to lake Maurepas, receiving in its course the river Amit, which is navigable for batteaux to a considerable distance.
Lake Maurepas is about ten miles in length, and seven in breadth; and there is a passage of seven miles between this and Lake Pontchartrain.
Lake Pontchartrain is about forty miles long, twenty four broad, and eighteen feet deep. From this lake to the sea the channel is ten miles long, and three hundred yards wide, and the water deep enough to admit large vessels through these lakes, and their communications. This place, is attended to, might be of consequence to all the western country, and to the commerce of West-Florida: For it may reasonably be supposed, that the inhabitants and traders of the western country would rather trade at this place than at New Orleans, if they could have as good returns for their peltry, and the produce of their soil, as it makes a considerable difference in their voyage, and saves labour, money and time. Experience will doubtless produce considerable improvements, and render the navigation of the Mississippi, either by these lakes, or New Orleans, nearly as cheap as any other. That the Mississippi can answer every valuable purpose of trade and commerce is proved already to a demonstration by experience.
I have reason to believe that the time is not far distant when New Orleans will be a great trading city, and perhaps another will be built near Mantchac, at Iberville, that may in time rival its glory.
A prodigious number of islands, some of which are of great extent, are interspersed in that mighty river; and the difficulty in ascending it in the Spring when the floods are high, is compensated by eddies or counter currents, which mostly run in the bends near the banks of the river with nearly equal velocity against the stream, and assist the ascending boats. This river is rapid in those parts which have clusters of islands, shoals and sand-banks; but the rapidity of these places will be no inconvenience to the newly invented mechanical boats, it being their peculiar property to sail best in smart currents. [Note : This plan is now in agitation in Virginia, and recommended to government by two gentlemen of first rate abilities, Mr. Charles Rumsey and Doct. James M'Macken. Their proposals are, "to construct a species of boat, of the burthen of ten tons, that shall sail, or be propelled by the force of mechanical powers thereto applied, up the stream of a fresh water river the distance of between 25 and 40 miles a day, notwithstanding the velocity of the water should move at the rate of 10 miles an hour, to be wrought at no greater expence than that of three hands."]
From New Orleans to the Falls of Ohio, batteaux, carrying about 40 tons, have been rowed by eighteen or twenty men in eight or ten weeks, which, at the extent, will not amount to more than five hundred pounds expence, which experience has proved to be about one third of that from Philadelphia. It is highly probable that in time the distance will be exceedingly shortened by cuting a-cross bends of the river.
Charlevoix relates, that at Coupee or Cut-point, the river formerly made a great turn, and some Canadians, by deepening the channel of a small brook, diverted the waters of the river into it. The impetuosity of the stream was so violent, and the soil of so rich and loose a quality, that in a short time the point was entirely cut through, and the old channel left dry, except in inundations, by which travellers save 14 leagues of their
voyage. The new channel has been sounded with a line of thirty fathoms without finding bottom. When the distance is shortened, which I believe may readily be done, and the mechanical boats brought to their highest improvement, the expences of a voyage from New Orleans to the Falls of Ohio will be attended with inconsiderable expence. Now we know by experience that forty tons of goods cannot be taken to the Falls of Ohio from Philadelphia under sixteen hundred pounds expence; but by improvements on the Mississippi, with the conveniences of these boats, goods can be brought from New Orleans to the Falls for the tenth part of that expence; and if they are sold at one hundred pounds per cent. now, when brought from Philadelphia at expences so great, what may the merchant afford to sell his goods at, who brings them so much cheaper? Besides, the great advantages arising from the exporting of peltry, and country produce, which never can be conveyed to the eastern ports to any advantage. It is evident also that the market from which they receive imports, must consequently receive their exports, which is the only return they can possibly make.
By stating the commerce of Kentucke in its proper terms, we find the expences such, that we conclude with propriety, that that country will be supplied with goods as cheap as if situated but forty miles from Philadelphia.
But perhaps it will be replied, New Orleans is in the possession of the Spaniards, who, whenever they please, may make use of that fort, and some others they have on the Mississippi, to prevent the navigation, and ruin the trade. The passage through Iberville is also subject to the Spaniards, and besides, inconvenient; that stream continuing so short a time, and in the most disadvantageous season.
I grant it will be absurd to expect a free navigation of the Mississippi whilst the Spaniards are in possession of New Orleans. To suppose it, is an idea calculated to impose only upon the weak. They may perhaps trade with us upon their own terms, while they think it consistent with their interest, but no friendship in trade exists when interest expires; therefore, when the western country becomes populous and ripe for trade, sound policy tells us the Floridas must be ours too. [Note : Article 8th of the late Definitive Treaty, says, The navigation of the Mississippi River from its source to the ocean, shall for ever remain free and open to the subjects of Great-Britain and the citizens of the United States.] According to the articles of the Definitive Treaty, we are to have a free and unmolested navigation of the Mississippi; but experience teaches mankind that treaties are not always to be depended on, the most solemn being broken. Hence we learn that no one should put much faith in any state; and the trade and commerce of the Mississippi River cannot be so well secured in any other possession as our own.
Although the Iberville only admits of a short and inconvenient navigation, yet if a commercial town were built there, it would be the center of the western trade; and a land carriage of ten or twelve miles would be counted no disadvantage to the merchant. Nay, I doubt not, that in time a canal will be broke through the gut of Iberville, which may divert the water of Mississippi that way, and render it a place of the greatest consequence in America; but this important period is reserved for futurity.
(note: I inserted the footnotes from the orginial into the text)
A CONVENIENT situation for commerce is the grand hinge upon which the population, riches and happiness of every country greatly depends. I believe many conceive the situation of Kentucke to be unfavourable in this respect. I confess when I first visited this country I was of the opinion of other misinformed men, that the best channel was from Philadelphia or Baltimore, by the way of Pittsburg, {Note : From Philadelphia to Pittsburg is a land-carriage of 320 miles, from Baltimore 280.] and from thence down the Ohio; and upon account of the difficulties and expences attending this route, for which there is no remedy, that goods would ever be dear. This opinion I have since reprobated, as the effect of ignorance of the trade up the Mississippi from New Orleans, or Mantchac, at the river or gut Iberville.
Those who are acquainted with America know the Mississippi and Ohio rivers to be the key to the northern parts of the western continent. These are the principal channels through which that extensive region, bathed by their waters, and enriched by the many streams they receive, communicate with the sea, and may truly be considered as the great passage made by the Hand of Nature for a variety of valuable purposes, and principally to promote the happiness and benefit of mankind; amongst which, the conveyance of the produce of that immense and fertile country lying westward of the United States is not the least. A short description of these rivers, and some others flowing into them, are objects submitted to the reader's attention, in order to form a a just idea of the favourable commercial circumstances of that important country.
The Ohio river begins at Pittsburg, 320 miles west of Philadelphia, being there formed by the junction of the Alleghany and Monangehela rivers, and running a winding course of S. 60° West, falls into the Mississippi 1074 miles, by the meanders of the river, below Pittsburg. The only obstruction to navigation on this river are the Rapids, as described before under the description of the Kentucke rivers; but they are passed in safety when the stream is high.
The most remarkable branches composing the head waters of Ohio are Red-stone Creek, Cheat River, and Yochiaghany. These waters are navigable to a considerable distance above Pittsburg, from November until June, and the Ohio a month longer; but from great Kenhawa, which is one hundred and ninety-six miles and a half below Pittsburg, the stream is navigable most of the year. Down this river great quantities of goods are brought, and some are conveyed up the Kentucke rivers, others on horse-back or in waggons to the settled parts, and sold on an average at one hundred pounds per cent. advance.
The current of the Ohio descends about two miles an hour in autumn, and when the waters
are are high, about five miles. Those of the Kentucke rivers are much the same, and without rapids, and are of immense value to the country, affording fish and fowl, and transportation of the produce of the country to the best market. These rivers increase the Ohio more in depth than breadth. At its mouth it is not more than one and a half mile in width, and enters the Mississippi in a S. west direction with a flow current, and a fine channel. This great river, at the junction with the Ohio, runs in a S. east direction and afterwards in a S. west, having been a little before joined by a greater river called Missouri, [Note : The Missouri is supposed to be about 3000 miles long.] which runs in an eastward direction through Louisiana, and afterwards communicates to the Mississippi [Note The Mississippi is said to be about 2500 miles long.] its own muddy and majestic appearance. From the mouth of the Ohio to New Orleans, a distance not exceeding 460 miles in a straight line, is about 856 by water. The depth is, in common, eight or ten fathoms until you approach its mouth, which empties itself by several channels into the gulf of Mexico. Here the navigation is dangerous, on account of the many islands, sand bars and logs, interspersed in its mouth, which is about twenty miles wide.
This disadvantage may be remedied almost in the same manner that the stream was disconcerted. The conflict between the sea and this mighty river, which brings down with its stream great numbers of trees, mud, leaves, &c. causes them to subside and form shoals. One of these trees, stopped by its roots or branches, will soon be joined by thousands more, and so fixed, that no human force is able to remove them. In time they are consolidated, every flood adds another layer to their height, forming islands, which at length are covered with shrubs, grass and cane, and forcibly shift the bed of the river. In this manner we suppose most of the country on each side of the Mississippi, below the Iberville, to have been formed, by islands uniting to islands, which in a succession of time have greatly encroached on the sea, and produced an extensive tract of country. If some of the floating timber at the mouths of this river were moved into some of the channels, numbers more would incorporate with them; and the current being impeded in these, the whole force of the river uniting, one important channel would forceably be opened, and sufficiently cleared, to admit of the most excellent navigation.
About ninety-nine miles above Orleans is a fort, now called Mantchac by the Spaniards; formerly Fort Bute by the English, who built it. Near this is a large a large gut, formed by the Mississippi, on the east side, called Iberville; some have dignified it with the name of River, when the Mississippi, its source, is high. This is navigable at most not above four months in the year for the first ten miles; for three miles further it is from two to six feet in autumn, and from two to four fathoms the remaining part of the way to lake Maurepas, receiving in its course the river Amit, which is navigable for batteaux to a considerable distance.
Lake Maurepas is about ten miles in length, and seven in breadth; and there is a passage of seven miles between this and Lake Pontchartrain.
Lake Pontchartrain is about forty miles long, twenty four broad, and eighteen feet deep. From this lake to the sea the channel is ten miles long, and three hundred yards wide, and the water deep enough to admit large vessels through these lakes, and their communications. This place, is attended to, might be of consequence to all the western country, and to the commerce of West-Florida: For it may reasonably be supposed, that the inhabitants and traders of the western country would rather trade at this place than at New Orleans, if they could have as good returns for their peltry, and the produce of their soil, as it makes a considerable difference in their voyage, and saves labour, money and time. Experience will doubtless produce considerable improvements, and render the navigation of the Mississippi, either by these lakes, or New Orleans, nearly as cheap as any other. That the Mississippi can answer every valuable purpose of trade and commerce is proved already to a demonstration by experience.
I have reason to believe that the time is not far distant when New Orleans will be a great trading city, and perhaps another will be built near Mantchac, at Iberville, that may in time rival its glory.
A prodigious number of islands, some of which are of great extent, are interspersed in that mighty river; and the difficulty in ascending it in the Spring when the floods are high, is compensated by eddies or counter currents, which mostly run in the bends near the banks of the river with nearly equal velocity against the stream, and assist the ascending boats. This river is rapid in those parts which have clusters of islands, shoals and sand-banks; but the rapidity of these places will be no inconvenience to the newly invented mechanical boats, it being their peculiar property to sail best in smart currents. [Note : This plan is now in agitation in Virginia, and recommended to government by two gentlemen of first rate abilities, Mr. Charles Rumsey and Doct. James M'Macken. Their proposals are, "to construct a species of boat, of the burthen of ten tons, that shall sail, or be propelled by the force of mechanical powers thereto applied, up the stream of a fresh water river the distance of between 25 and 40 miles a day, notwithstanding the velocity of the water should move at the rate of 10 miles an hour, to be wrought at no greater expence than that of three hands."]
From New Orleans to the Falls of Ohio, batteaux, carrying about 40 tons, have been rowed by eighteen or twenty men in eight or ten weeks, which, at the extent, will not amount to more than five hundred pounds expence, which experience has proved to be about one third of that from Philadelphia. It is highly probable that in time the distance will be exceedingly shortened by cuting a-cross bends of the river.
Charlevoix relates, that at Coupee or Cut-point, the river formerly made a great turn, and some Canadians, by deepening the channel of a small brook, diverted the waters of the river into it. The impetuosity of the stream was so violent, and the soil of so rich and loose a quality, that in a short time the point was entirely cut through, and the old channel left dry, except in inundations, by which travellers save 14 leagues of their
voyage. The new channel has been sounded with a line of thirty fathoms without finding bottom. When the distance is shortened, which I believe may readily be done, and the mechanical boats brought to their highest improvement, the expences of a voyage from New Orleans to the Falls of Ohio will be attended with inconsiderable expence. Now we know by experience that forty tons of goods cannot be taken to the Falls of Ohio from Philadelphia under sixteen hundred pounds expence; but by improvements on the Mississippi, with the conveniences of these boats, goods can be brought from New Orleans to the Falls for the tenth part of that expence; and if they are sold at one hundred pounds per cent. now, when brought from Philadelphia at expences so great, what may the merchant afford to sell his goods at, who brings them so much cheaper? Besides, the great advantages arising from the exporting of peltry, and country produce, which never can be conveyed to the eastern ports to any advantage. It is evident also that the market from which they receive imports, must consequently receive their exports, which is the only return they can possibly make.
By stating the commerce of Kentucke in its proper terms, we find the expences such, that we conclude with propriety, that that country will be supplied with goods as cheap as if situated but forty miles from Philadelphia.
But perhaps it will be replied, New Orleans is in the possession of the Spaniards, who, whenever they please, may make use of that fort, and some others they have on the Mississippi, to prevent the navigation, and ruin the trade. The passage through Iberville is also subject to the Spaniards, and besides, inconvenient; that stream continuing so short a time, and in the most disadvantageous season.
I grant it will be absurd to expect a free navigation of the Mississippi whilst the Spaniards are in possession of New Orleans. To suppose it, is an idea calculated to impose only upon the weak. They may perhaps trade with us upon their own terms, while they think it consistent with their interest, but no friendship in trade exists when interest expires; therefore, when the western country becomes populous and ripe for trade, sound policy tells us the Floridas must be ours too. [Note : Article 8th of the late Definitive Treaty, says, The navigation of the Mississippi River from its source to the ocean, shall for ever remain free and open to the subjects of Great-Britain and the citizens of the United States.] According to the articles of the Definitive Treaty, we are to have a free and unmolested navigation of the Mississippi; but experience teaches mankind that treaties are not always to be depended on, the most solemn being broken. Hence we learn that no one should put much faith in any state; and the trade and commerce of the Mississippi River cannot be so well secured in any other possession as our own.
Although the Iberville only admits of a short and inconvenient navigation, yet if a commercial town were built there, it would be the center of the western trade; and a land carriage of ten or twelve miles would be counted no disadvantage to the merchant. Nay, I doubt not, that in time a canal will be broke through the gut of Iberville, which may divert the water of Mississippi that way, and render it a place of the greatest consequence in America; but this important period is reserved for futurity.
(note: I inserted the footnotes from the orginial into the text)
Wednesday, November 24, 2004
Proclamation
Tuesday, November 23, 2004
From the History of the Umbrella - 18th Century Umbrellas
From Umbrellas and their History, William Sangster (1808-1888)
This work is online at Project Gutenberg.
(curiosity got me wondering if umbrellas could be period correct in reenacting 18th century. The correct answer is ....
no and yes! Counts who you are, when, and where did you come from. Probably no, but not necesarily!)
Excerpt from Chapter 3:
The absence of almost all allusion to the Umbrella by the wits of the seventeenth century, while the muff, fan, &c., receive so large a share of attention, is a further proof that it was far from being recognised as an article of convenient luxury at that day. The clumsy shape, probably, prevented its being generally used. In one of Dryden's plays we find the line:--
"I can carry your umbrella and fan, your Ladyship."
Gay, addressing a gentleman, in his "Trivia, or the Art of Walking the Streets of London" (1712), says:--
"Be thou for every season justly dress'd,
Nor brave the piercing frost with open breast:
And when the bursting clouds a deluge pour.
Let thy surtout defend the gaping shower."
And again:--
"That garment best the winter's rage defends
Whose shapeless form in ample plaits depends;
By various names in various countries known,
Yet held in all the true surtout alone.
Be thine of kersey tine, though small the cost,
Then brave, unwet, the rain, unchilled, the frost."
These passages lead us to the belief that the Umbrella was not used by gentlemen for a long time after its merits had been recognised by the fair sex.
The following lines from the same author have often been quoted:--
"Good housewives all the winter's rage despise
Defended by the riding-hood's disguise:
Or underneath the umbrella's oily shed
Safe through the wet on clinking pattens tread.
Let Persian dames th' umbrellas rich display,
To guard their beauties from the sunny ray,
Or sweating slaves support the shady load,
When Eastern monarchs show their state abroad,
Britain in winter only knows its aid
To guard from chilly showers the walking maid."
-- Trivia , B. 1.
Dean Swift, also, in the Tatler, No. 228, in describing a City shower, thus alludes to the common use of the Umbrella by women:--
"Now in contiguous drops the floods come down,
Threatening with deluge the devoted town:
To shops in crowds the draggled females fly,
Pretend to cheapen goods, but nothing buy:
The Templar spruce, while every spout's abroach,
Stays till 'tis fair, yet seems to call a coach:
The tucked-up sempstress walks with hasty strides,
While streams run down her oiled umbrella's sides."
About this time the custom obtained of keeping an Umbrella in the halls of great houses, to be used in passing from the door to the carriage. At coffee-houses, too, the same was done.
That the use of the Umbrella was considered far too effeminate for man, is seen from the following advertisement from the Female Tatler for December 12th, 1709:--"The young gentleman borrowing the Umbrella belonging to Wills' Coffee-house, in Cornhill, of the mistress, is hereby advertised, that to be dry from head to foot on the like occasion, he shall be welcome to the maid's pattens."
Defoe's description of Robinson Crusoe's Umbrella is, of course, familiar to all our readers. He makes his hero say that he had seen Umbrellas used in Brazil, where they were found very useful in the great heats that were there, and that he constructed his own instrument in imitation of them, "I covered it with skins," he adds, "the hair outwards, so that it cast off the rain like a pent-house, and kept off the sun so effectually, that I could walk out in the hottest of the weather with greater advantage than I could before in the coolest." We may also add, that from this description the original heavy Umbrellas obtained the name of "Robinson," which they retained for many years, both here and in France.
In the "Memoir of Ambrose Barnes," published for the Surtees Society, under date 1718, appears an entry, "Umbrella for the Church's use, 25s." A similar entry is also found in the churchwarden's accounts for the parochial chapelry of Burnley, Surrey, for A.D. 1760, "Paid for Umbrella 2 l . 10 s . 6 d ." Both these Umbrellas were in all likelihood intended for the use of clergymen at funerals in the churchyard, as was that alluded to in Hone's Year-Book (1826) which was kept for the same purpose in a country church. This last had "an awning of green oiled canvas, such as common Umbrellas were made of, forty years ago."
Bailey's _Encyclopædia_ (1736) has "Umbrello, a sort of wooden frame, covered with cloth, put over a window to keep out the sun; also a screen carried over the head to defend from sun or rain." Also "Parasol, a little umbrella to keep off sun."
There is at Woburn Abbey a picture, painted about 1730, of the Duchess of Bedford, with a black servant behind her, who holds an Umbrella over her, and a sketch of the same period attached to a song called "The Generous Repulse," shows a lady seated on a flowery bank holding a Parasol with a long handle over her head, while she gently checks the ardour of her swain, and consoles him by the following touching strain:--
"Thy vain pursuit, fond youth, give o'er,
What more, alas! can Flavia do?
Thy worth I own, thy fate deplore,
All are not happy that are true."
* * * * *
"But if revenge can ease thy pain,
I'll soothe the ills I cannot cure,
Tell thee I drag a hopeless chain,
And all that I inflict endure!"
Rather cold consolation, but an unexceptionable and moral sentiment.
The idea, therefore, that the Duchess of Rutland devised Parasols in 1826 for the first time is obviously incorrect, whatever her grace may have done towards rendering them fashionable. Captain Cook, in one of his voyages, saw some of the natives of the South Pacific Islands, with Umbrellas made of palm-leaves.
We have thus seen that the use both of the Umbrella and Parasol was not unknown in England during the earlier half of the eighteenth century. That it was not very common, is evident from the fact that General (then Lieut.-Colonel) Wolfe, writing from Paris in 1752, speaks of the people there using Umbrellas for the sun and rain, and wonders that a similar practice does not obtain in England.
Just about the same time they do seem to have come into general use, and that pretty rapidly, as people found their value, and got over the shyness natural to a first introduction. Jonas Hanway, the founder of the Magdalen Hospital, has the credit of being the first man who had the courage to carry one habitually in London, since it
is recorded in the life of that venerable philanthropist, the friend of chimney-sweeps and sworn foe to tea, that he was the first man who ventured to dare public reproach and ridicule by carrying an Umbrella. He probably felt the benefit of one during his travels in Persia, where they were in constant use as a protection against the sun, and it is also said that he was in ill health when he first made use of it. It was more than likely, however, that Jonas Hanway's neatness in dress and delicate complexion led him, on his return from abroad, to appreciate a luxury hitherto only confined to the ladies. Mr. Pugh, who wrote his life, gives the following description of his personal appearance, which may be regarded as a gem in its way:--
"In his dress, as far as was consistent with his ideas of health and ease, he accommodated himself to the prevailing fashion. As it was frequently necessary for him to appear in polite circles on unexpected occasions, he usually wore dress clothes with a large French bag. His hat, ornamented with a gold button, was of a size and fashion to be worn as well under the arm as on the head. When it rained, a small _parapluie_ defended his face and wig."
As Hanway died in 1786, and he is said to have carried an Umbrella for thirty years, the date of its first use by him may be set down at about 1750. For some time Umbrellas were objects of derision, especially from the hackney coachmen, who saw in their use an invasion on the vested rights of the fraternity; just as hackney coaches had once been looked upon by the watermen, who thought people should travel by river, not by road. John Macdonald, perhaps the only footman (always excepting the great Mr. James Yellowplush) who ever wrote a memoir of himself, relates that in 1770, he used to be greeted with the shout, "Frenchman, Frenchman! why don't you call a coach?" whenever he went out with his "fine silk umbrella, newly brought from Spain." Records of the Umbrella's first appearance in other English works have also been preserved. In Glasgow (according to the narrative in Cleland's "Statistical Account of Glasgow ") "the late Mr. John Jamieson, surgeon, returning from Paris, brought an Umbrella with him, which was the first seen in this city. The doctor,
who was a man of great humour, took pleasure in relating to me how he was stared at with his Umbrella." In Edinburgh Dr. Spens is said to have been the first to carry one. In Bristol a red Leghorn Umbrella appeared about 1780, according to a writer in _Notes and Queries_, and created there no small sensation. The trade between Bristol and Leghorn may account for this. Some five-and-thirty years ago it is said that an old lady was living in Taunton who recollected when there were only two Umbrellas in the town, one of which belonged to the clergyman. When he went to church, he used to hang the Umbrella up in the porch, to the edification and delight of his parishioners.
Horace Walpole tells how Dr. Shebbeare (who was prosecuted for seditious writings in 1758) "stood in the pillory, having a footman holding an umbrella to keep off the rain." For permitting this indulgence to a malefactor, Beardman, the under-sheriff, was punished.
It is difficult to conceive how the Umbrella could come into general use, owing to the state in which the streets of London were up to a comparatively recent period. The same amusing author to whom we owe the description of Jonas Hanway, gives the following account of them at the time his work was published:--
"It is not easy to convey to a person who has not seen the streets of London before they were uniformly paved, a tolerable idea of their inconvenience and uncleanliness; the signs extending on both sides of the way into the streets, at unequal distances from the houses, that they might not intercept each other, greatly obstructed the view; and, what is of more consequence in a crowded city, prevented the free circulation of the air. The footpaths were universally incommoded--even when they were so narrow as only to admit one person passing at a time--by a row of posts set on edge next the carriage-way. He whose urgent business would not permit of his keeping pace with the gentleman of leisure before him, turned out between the two posts before the door of some large house into the carriage-way. When he perceived danger moving toward him, he wished to return within the protection of the row of posts; but there was commonly a rail continued from the top of one post to that of another, sometimes for several houses together, in which case he was obliged to run back to the first inlet, or climb over, or creep under the railing, in attempting which, he might be fortunate if he escaped with no other injury than what proceeded from dirt; if, intimidated by the danger he escaped, he afterwards kept within the boundary of the posts and railing, he was obliged to put aside the travellers before him, whose haste was less urgent than his, and, these resisting, made his journey truly a warfare.
"The French are reproached, even to a proverb, for the neglect of the convenience of foot-passengers in their metropolis, by not providing a separate path for them; but, great as is the exposure to dirt in Paris, for want of a footpath, which their many _porte-cochères_ seem likely for ever to prevent, in the more important article of danger, the City of London was, at this period, at least on a par. How comfortless must be the sensations of an unfortunate female, stopped in the street on a windy day under a large old sign loaded with lead and iron in full swing over, her head? and perhaps a torrent of rain and dirty water falling near from a projecting spout, ornamented with the mouth and teeth of a dragon. These dangers and distresses are now at an end; and we may think of them as a sailor does of a storm, which has subsided, but the advantages derived from the present uniformity and cleanliness can be known only in their full extent by comparing them with the former inconveniences."
When to this description is added the fact that the hoop petticoat and another article of dress monopolised the whalebone, it will be seen how much had to be got over before an Umbrella could be carried out by the citizens of London, as a walking-staff, with satisfactory assurance of protection in case of a shower. The earliest English
Umbrellas, we must also remember, were made of oiled silk, very clumsy and difficult to open when wet; the stick and furniture were heavy and inconvenient, and the article very expensive.
At the end of the century allusions to the Umbrella are not infrequent. Cowper, in his "Task" (1780), twice mentions it, but seems to mean a Parasol:--
"We bear our shades about us; self-deprived
Of other screen, the thin umbrella spread,
And range an Indian waste without a tree."
--B. i.
And again:--
"Expect her soon, with footboy at her heels,
No longer blushing for her awkward load,
Her train and her umbrella all her care."
--B. iv,
The Rev. G. C. Renouard, writing in 1850 to Notes and Queries, says:-- "In the hall of my father's house, at Stamford, in Lincolnshire, there was, when I was a child, the wreck of a large green silk umbrella, apparently of Chinese manufacture, brought by my father from Scotland, somewhere between 1770 and 1780, and, as I have often heard, the first umbrella seen at Stamford. I well remember, also, an amusing description given by the late Mr. Warry, so many years consul at Smyrna, of the astonishment and envy of his mother's neighbours, at Sawbridgeworth, in Hants, where his father had a country house, when he ran home and came back with an umbrella, which he had just brought from Leghorn, to shelter them from a pelting shower which detained them in the church porch, after the service, on one summer Sunday. From Mr. Warry's age at the time he mentioned this, and other circumstances in his history, I conjecture that it occurred not later than 1775 or 1776. As Sawbridgeworth is so near London, it is evident that even then umbrellas were at that time almost unknown."
Since this date, however, the Umbrella has come into general use, and in consequence numerous improvements have been effected in it. The transition to the present portable form is due, partly to the substitution of silk and gingham for the heavy and troublesome oiled silk, which admitted of the ribs and frames being made much lighter, and also to the many ingenious mechanical improvements in the framework, chiefly by French and English manufacturers, many of which were patented, and to which we purpose presently to allude.
The Enraged Farmer
This print, undated, gives a good image of an farmer with his smock, scarf, and gaiters.
Monday, November 22, 2004
Frontier Life, 1794
From William Priest's Travels in the United States of America, 1802, pgs 34-43:
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1794
Dear Friend,
The price of labour in the country is very great, owing to the prospect an industrious man has of procuring an independence by cultivating a tract of the waste lands; many millions of acres of which are now on sale by government; to say nothing of those held by individuals. The money arising from the sale of the former is appropriated to the discharge of the national debt.
During my residence in Jersy, I was at no little pains to inform myself of the difficulties attending a back settler. We will suppose a person making such an attempt to possess one hundred pounds, though many have been successful with a much less sum; his first care is to purchase about three hundred acres of land, which, if it is in a remote western settlement, he will procure for about nineteen pounds sterling: he may know the quality of the land by three trees, with which it is entirely covered. The hickory and the walnut are an infallible sign of a rich, and every species of fir, of a barren, sandy, and unprofitable soil. When his land is properly registered, his next care is to provide himself with a horse, a plough, and other implements of agriculture; a rifle, a fowling piece, some ammunition, and a large dog of the blood-hound breed, to hunt deer. We will suppose him arrived at the place of his destination in spring, as soon as the ground is clear of frost. No sooner is the arrival of a new settler circulated, than, for many miles round, his neighbours flock to him: they all assist in erecting his hut; this is done with logs; a bricklayer is only wanting to make his chimney and oven. He then clears a few acres by cutting down the large timber for railing fences, and sets fire to the rest upon the spot; ploughs round the stumps of the large timber and in May plants maize, or Indian corn. In October he has a harvest of eight hundred or a thousand fold. This is every thing to him and his family. Indian corn, ground and made into cakes, answers the end of bread, and when boiled with meat, and a small proprtion of a sort of kidney-bean (which it is usual to sow with this grain), it makes an excellent dish, which they call hominy. They also coarsely pound the Indian corn, and boil it for five hours; this is by the Indians called mush; and, when a proportion of milk is added, forms their breakfast. Indian corn is also the best food for horses employed in agriculture in this climate: black cattle, deer, and hogs are very fond of it, and fatten better than on any other grain. It is also excellent food for turkies, and other poultry.
When this harvest is in, he provides himself with a cow, and a few sheep and hogs; the latter run wild in the woods. But for a few years he depends chiefly on his rifle, and faithful dog; with these he provides his family with deer, bear, racoon, &c.; but what he values most are the black, and gray squirrels; these animals are large and numerous, are excellent roasted, and make a soup exceedingly rich and nourishing.
He gradually clears his land, a few acres every year, and begins to plant weat, tobacco, &c. These, together with what hogs, and other increase of his stock he can spare, as also the skins of deer, bear, and other animals he shoots in the woods, he exchanges with the nearest storekeeper, for clothing, sugar, coffee, &c.
In this state he suffers much for want of the comforts and even necessaries of life. Suppose him afflicted with a flux or fever, attacked by a panther, bitten by a rattlesnake, or any other of the dreadful circumstances peculiar to his situation: But, above all, suppose a war to break out between the Indians, and him and his whole family scalped, and their plantations burnt!
The following extract form an American work very feelingly describes him under these cruel apprehensions: --
But we will suppose our planter to have escaped the scalping knife and tomahawk; and in the course of years situate in a thick, settled neighbourhood of planters like himself, who have struggled through all the foregoing difficulties: he is now a man of some consequence, builds a hosue by the side of his former hut, which now serves him for a kitchen; and as he is comfortably situate, we will leave him to the enjoyment of the fruits of his industry.
Such a being has often ideas of liberty, and a contempt of vassalage and slavery, which do honour the human nature.
The planter I endeavoured to describe, I have supposed to be sober and industrious: but when a man of opposite description makes such an attempt, he often degenerates into a demisavage; he cultivates no more land than will barely supply the family with bread, or rather makes his wife, and children perform that office. His whole employment is to procure skins, and furs, to exchange for rum, brandy, and ammunition; for this purpose he is often for several days together in the woods, without seeing a human being. He is by no means at a loss; his rifle supplies him with food, and at night he cuts down some boughs with his tomahawk, and constructs a wigwam in which he spends the night, stretched on the skins of those animals he has killed in the course of his excursion. This manner of living he learned form his savage neighbours, the Indians, and like them calls every other state of life slavery. It sometimes happens, that an unsuccessful back settler joins the Indians at war with the states. When this is the case, it is observed he is, if possible, more cruel than his new allies; he eagerly imbibes all the vices of the savages, without a single spark of their virtues. Farewell.
Yours &c.
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1794
Dear Friend,
The price of labour in the country is very great, owing to the prospect an industrious man has of procuring an independence by cultivating a tract of the waste lands; many millions of acres of which are now on sale by government; to say nothing of those held by individuals. The money arising from the sale of the former is appropriated to the discharge of the national debt.
During my residence in Jersy, I was at no little pains to inform myself of the difficulties attending a back settler. We will suppose a person making such an attempt to possess one hundred pounds, though many have been successful with a much less sum; his first care is to purchase about three hundred acres of land, which, if it is in a remote western settlement, he will procure for about nineteen pounds sterling: he may know the quality of the land by three trees, with which it is entirely covered. The hickory and the walnut are an infallible sign of a rich, and every species of fir, of a barren, sandy, and unprofitable soil. When his land is properly registered, his next care is to provide himself with a horse, a plough, and other implements of agriculture; a rifle, a fowling piece, some ammunition, and a large dog of the blood-hound breed, to hunt deer. We will suppose him arrived at the place of his destination in spring, as soon as the ground is clear of frost. No sooner is the arrival of a new settler circulated, than, for many miles round, his neighbours flock to him: they all assist in erecting his hut; this is done with logs; a bricklayer is only wanting to make his chimney and oven. He then clears a few acres by cutting down the large timber for railing fences, and sets fire to the rest upon the spot; ploughs round the stumps of the large timber and in May plants maize, or Indian corn. In October he has a harvest of eight hundred or a thousand fold. This is every thing to him and his family. Indian corn, ground and made into cakes, answers the end of bread, and when boiled with meat, and a small proprtion of a sort of kidney-bean (which it is usual to sow with this grain), it makes an excellent dish, which they call hominy. They also coarsely pound the Indian corn, and boil it for five hours; this is by the Indians called mush; and, when a proportion of milk is added, forms their breakfast. Indian corn is also the best food for horses employed in agriculture in this climate: black cattle, deer, and hogs are very fond of it, and fatten better than on any other grain. It is also excellent food for turkies, and other poultry.
When this harvest is in, he provides himself with a cow, and a few sheep and hogs; the latter run wild in the woods. But for a few years he depends chiefly on his rifle, and faithful dog; with these he provides his family with deer, bear, racoon, &c.; but what he values most are the black, and gray squirrels; these animals are large and numerous, are excellent roasted, and make a soup exceedingly rich and nourishing.
He gradually clears his land, a few acres every year, and begins to plant weat, tobacco, &c. These, together with what hogs, and other increase of his stock he can spare, as also the skins of deer, bear, and other animals he shoots in the woods, he exchanges with the nearest storekeeper, for clothing, sugar, coffee, &c.
In this state he suffers much for want of the comforts and even necessaries of life. Suppose him afflicted with a flux or fever, attacked by a panther, bitten by a rattlesnake, or any other of the dreadful circumstances peculiar to his situation: But, above all, suppose a war to break out between the Indians, and him and his whole family scalped, and their plantations burnt!
The following extract form an American work very feelingly describes him under these cruel apprehensions: --
EXTRACT.
"You know the position of our settlement; therefore I need not describe it. To the west it is enclosed by a chain of mountains, reaching to ----------. To the east, the country is yet by very thinly inhabited. We are almost insulated, and the houses are at a considerable distance from each other. From the mountains we have but too much reason to expect our dreadful enemy, the Indians; and the wilderness is a harbour, where it is impossible to find them. It is a door through which they can enter our country at any time; and as they seem determined to destroy the whoe frontier, our fate cannot be far distant. From lake Champlain almost all has been conflagrated, one after another. What renders these incursions still more dreadful is, that they most commonly take place in the dead of night. We never go to our fields, but we are seized with an involuntary fear, which lessens our strength, and weakens our labour. No other subject of discourse intervenes between the different accounts which spread through the country, of successive acts of devastation; and these, told in chimney corners, swell themselves in our affrighted imaginations into the most terrific ideas. We never sit down either to dinner, or supper, but the least noise spreads a general alarm, and prevents us from enjoying the comforts of our meals. The very appetite proceeding from labour and peace of mind is gone! Our sleep is disturbed by the most frightful dreams! Sometimes I start awake, as if the great hour of danger was come; at other times the howling of our dogs seems to announce the arrival of the enemy: we leap out of bed, and run to arms; my poor wife, with panting bosom, and silent tears, takes leave of me, as if we were to see each other no more. She snatches the youngest children from their beds, who suddenly awakened, increase by their innocent questions the horror of the dreadful moment! She tries to hide them in the cellar, as if our cellar was inaccessible to the fire! I place all my servants at the window, and myself at the door, where I am determined to perish. Fear industriously increases every sound; each communicates to each other his fears and conjectures. We remain thus, sometimes for whole hours, our hearts and our minds racked by the most anxious suspense! What a dreadful situation! A thousand times worse than that of a soldier engaged in the midst of a most severe conflict! Sometiems feeling the spontaneous courage of a man, I seem to wish for the decisive minute; the next instant a message from my wife, sent by one of the children, quite unmans me. Away goes my courage, and I descend again into the deepest despondency: at last, finding it was a false alarm, we return tonce more to our beds; but what good can the sleep of nature do us, when interrupted by such scenes?"
But we will suppose our planter to have escaped the scalping knife and tomahawk; and in the course of years situate in a thick, settled neighbourhood of planters like himself, who have struggled through all the foregoing difficulties: he is now a man of some consequence, builds a hosue by the side of his former hut, which now serves him for a kitchen; and as he is comfortably situate, we will leave him to the enjoyment of the fruits of his industry.
Such a being has often ideas of liberty, and a contempt of vassalage and slavery, which do honour the human nature.
The planter I endeavoured to describe, I have supposed to be sober and industrious: but when a man of opposite description makes such an attempt, he often degenerates into a demisavage; he cultivates no more land than will barely supply the family with bread, or rather makes his wife, and children perform that office. His whole employment is to procure skins, and furs, to exchange for rum, brandy, and ammunition; for this purpose he is often for several days together in the woods, without seeing a human being. He is by no means at a loss; his rifle supplies him with food, and at night he cuts down some boughs with his tomahawk, and constructs a wigwam in which he spends the night, stretched on the skins of those animals he has killed in the course of his excursion. This manner of living he learned form his savage neighbours, the Indians, and like them calls every other state of life slavery. It sometimes happens, that an unsuccessful back settler joins the Indians at war with the states. When this is the case, it is observed he is, if possible, more cruel than his new allies; he eagerly imbibes all the vices of the savages, without a single spark of their virtues. Farewell.
Yours &c.
